Správy

Arthur Henderson

Arthur Henderson


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Arthur Henderson, syn pradiarne, sa narodil v Glasgowe 13. septembra 1863. Jeho otec bol dlho nezamestnaný, a preto bol Arthur v deviatich rokoch nútený opustiť školu, aby si našiel prácu ako pochôdzkar. obchod s fotografmi. Arthurova mzda sa stala ešte dôležitejšou pre rodinný príjem po smrti jeho otca v roku 1874.

Keď sa Arthurova matka vydala za Roberta Heatha, rodina sa presťahovala do Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Vo veku dvanástich rokov Arthur našiel prácu v lokomotívnych závodoch Roberta Stephensona. Napriek desaťhodinovému dňu Arthur navštevoval večerné hodiny v snahe zlepšiť svoje vzdelanie.

Henderson bol vychovaný ako zaprisahaný kongregacionalista, ale v roku 1879 ho kazateľ Rodney Smith konvertoval na metodizmus. Stal sa laickým kazateľom a aktívnym členom spoločnosti Temperance. Po ukončení učňovského štúdia v sedemnástich sa Arthur Henderson presťahoval na rok do Southamptonu a potom sa vrátil k práci železného formovača v Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Henderson sa stal aktívnym odborárom a založil čitateľskú a debatnú spoločnosť v lokomotívnych závodoch Stephenson. V roku 1884 Henderson stratil prácu a bol štrnásť mesiacov bez práce. Henderson využil tento čas na ďalšie vzdelávanie a prácu laického kazateľa.

V roku 1892 bol Henderson zvolený za plateného organizátora Únie zakladateľov železa. Henderson bol jedným zo zástupcov zamestnancov v zmierovacom výbore pre severovýchod. Silne veriaci v arbitráž a priemyselnú spoluprácu, Henderson bol proti vytvoreniu Generálnej federácie odborov, pretože veril, že by to zvýšilo frekvenciu priemyselných sporov.

27. februára 1900 sa zástupcovia všetkých socialistických skupín v Británii (Nezávislá strana práce, Sociálnodemokratická federácia a Fabianova spoločnosť) stretli s vedúcimi odborov v Kongregačnej pamätnej sieni na Farringdon Street. Arthur Henderson bol jedným zo 129 delegátov ktorí sa rozhodli schváliť Hardieho návrh na zriadenie „odlišnej labouristickej skupiny v Parlamente, ktorá bude mať svoje vlastné biče a dohodne sa na svojej politike, ktorá musí zahŕňať pripravenosť spolupracovať s ktoroukoľvek stranou, ktorá sa v súčasnej dobe môže angažovať v podpore legislatívy v priamom záujme práce. “Aby to bolo možné, konferencia zriadila Výbor pre zastupovanie práce (LRC).

V roku 1903 bol Henderson zvolený za pokladníka LRC. Proti boli členovia Nezávislej strany práce, ktorí namietali proti skutočnosti, že Henderson bol skôr liberál ako socialista. V doplňujúcich voľbách toho roku bol Henderson zvolený za poslanca za zámok Barnard. O tri roky neskôr Henderson predsedal konferencii, na ktorej sa LRC transformovala na stranu práce. Prvým predsedom strany bol James Keir Hardie, ale nebol príliš dobrý v riešení vnútorných rivalit v strane a v roku 1908 sa funkcie vzdal a predsedom sa stal Henderson.

Henderson nemal plnú podporu strany práce a v roku 1910 sa vzdal funkcie predsedu.

Očakávalo sa, že novým vodcom sa stane Ramsay MacDonald, ale nedávno jeho najmladší syn zomrel na záškrt. O osem dní neskôr zomrela aj jeho matka. Preto bolo rozhodnuté, že predsedom sa stane George Barnes. O niekoľko mesiacov neskôr Barnes napísal MacDonaldovi, že predsedníctvo nechce a „len drží pevnosť“. Pokračoval: „Kedykoľvek by som mal povedať, že je tvoj“.

Henderson tiež navrhol, aby sa predsedom stal MacDonald. Ako povedal David Marquand Ramsay MacDonald (1977) upozornil: „Je nepravdepodobné, že by to urobil z náhleho prístupu k osobnej náklonnosti, alebo dokonca z obdivu k povahe a schopnostiam MacDonalda. Ako predsedu chcel MacDonalda, čiastočne preto, že chcel byť sám tajomníkom strany a správne veril, že bude dobrý, čiastočne preto, že veril - opäť správne -, že MacDonald je jediným potenciálnym kandidátom, ktorý je schopný zosúladiť ILP so strednou líniou favorizovanou odbormi .... MacDonald a Henderson sa líšia vkusom, temperamentom a politické pozadie, a je otázne, či sa im ten druhý niekedy páčil. Hendersona často rozčuľovala náladovosť, nepredvídateľnosť a neochota komunikovať zo strany MacDonalda; mohol tiež podozrievať, nie celkom nerozumne, že MacDonald podcenil jeho talent a vzal ho príliš veľa udelené. MacDonald považoval Hendersona za nenápaditého a panovačného a v neskorších rokoch si nikdy nebol istý svojou podporou. "

Vo všeobecných voľbách 1910 bolo do Dolnej snemovne zvolených 40 labouristických poslancov. O dva mesiace neskôr, 6. februára 1911, poslal George Barnes Strane práce list, v ktorom oznámil, že má v úmysle odstúpiť z funkcie predsedu. Na najbližšej schôdzi poslancov bol Ramsay MacDonald zvolený bez toho, aby nahradil Barnesa. Henderson sa teraz stal tajomníkom. Podľa Philipa Snowdena došlo k dohode na straníckej konferencii predchádzajúci mesiac, počas ktorej sa mal MacDonald vzdať sekretariátu v prospech Hendersona výmenou za to, že sa stane predsedom. “

MacDonald bol úplne proti účasti Británie na prvej svetovej vojne. Jeho názory zdieľali aj ďalší lídri Labouristickej strany ako James Keir Hardie, Philip Snowden, George Lansbury a Fred Jowett. Ostatní zo strany ako Arthur Henderson, George Barnes, Will Thorne a Ben Tillett verili, že toto hnutie by malo vojnovému úsiliu poskytnúť úplnú podporu.

5. augusta 1914 parlamentná strana hlasovala za podporu vládnej žiadosti o vojnové kredity 100 000 000 libier. Ramsay MacDonald sa okamžite vzdal predsedníctva strany práce. Do svojho denníka si zapísal: „Videl som, že to nemá zmysel zotrvávať, pretože strana bola rozdelená a nemôže z toho vyplývať nič iné ako márnosť. Predsedníctvo nebolo možné. Muži nepracovali, netiahli spolu, bolo tu dosť žiarlivosti, ktorá by mohla pokaziť dobrý pocit. "Večierok v skutočnosti nebol večierkom. Bolo to smutné, ale rád, že som sa dostal z postroja." Arthur Henderson sa opäť stal vodcom strany.

V máji 1915 sa Henderson stal prvým členom labouristickej strany, ktorý zastával vládny post, keď ho Herbert Asquith pozval do svojej koaličnej vlády. Bruce Glasier vo svojom denníku uviedol: „Toto je prvý prípad, keď sa člen Labouristickej strany pripojí k vláde. Henderson je šikovný, obratný a dosť obmedzený človek - panovačný a trochu hašterivý - ješitný a ambiciózny. Dokáže to. Docela schopný oficiálny muž z prednej lavice, ale ťažko bude podporovať organizovanú prácu. “ Henderson bol počas prvej svetovej vojny aj predsedom správnej rady pre vzdelávanie (máj 1915 - október 1916) a generálnym majstrom (október 1916 - august 1917).

Po zvrhnutí cára Mikuláša II. V Rusku socialisti v Británii, Francúzsku, Nemecku, Rakúsku-Uhorsku, USA a Taliansku vyzvali na zorganizovanie konferencie v neutrálnej krajine, aby sa zistilo, či je možné ukončiť prvú svetovú vojnu. Nakoniec bolo oznámené, že Štokholmská konferencia sa uskutoční v júli 1917. Arthura Hendersona poslal David Lloyd-George, aby hovoril s Alexandrom Kerenským, vodcom dočasnej vlády v Rusku.

Na konferencii Strany práce, ktorá sa konala v Londýne 10. augusta 1917, Henderson urobil vyhlásenie, v ktorom odporučil, aby bolo prijaté ruské pozvanie na Štokholmskú konferenciu. Delegáti hlasovali za návrh 1846 000 až 550 000 a bolo rozhodnuté vyslať Hendersona a Ramsaya MacDonalda na mierovú konferenciu. Pod tlakom prezidenta Woodrowa Wilsona však britská vláda zmenila názor na múdrosť konferencie a odmietla umožniť delegátom cestu do Štokholmu. V dôsledku tohto rozhodnutia Henderson odstúpil z vlády.

Arthur Henderson nesúhlasil s politikmi, ktorí verili, že s Nemeckom by sa malo po prvej svetovej vojne tvrdo zaobchádzať, a v dôsledku nacionalistického zápalu všeobecných volieb v roku 1918 prišiel o miesto. Nasledujúci rok sa vrátil do Dolnej snemovne ako poslanec za Widnes. Henderson sa stal hlavným bičom strany, ale bol porazený vo všeobecných voľbách 1922.

O dva mesiace neskôr bol zvolený do východného Newcastlu pri doplňujúcich voľbách a vo všeobecných voľbách 1923 bol opäť porazený. Vrátil sa do doplňujúcich volieb v Burnley vo februári 1924 a vstúpil do vlády na čele s Ramsayom MacDonaldom ako minister vnútra.

V októbri 1924 zachytila ​​MI5 list, ktorý napísal Grigory Zinoviev, predseda Kominterny v Sovietskom zväze. Zinovievov list vyzval britských komunistov, aby podporovali revolúciu prostredníctvom povstania. Vernon Kell, vedúci MI5 a Sir Basil Thomson, vedúci špeciálnej pobočky, pre MacDonald uviedli, že sú presvedčení, že list je pravý.

Dohodlo sa, že list by mal byť utajený, ale ktosi preniesol správy o liste do denníka Times a Denná pošta. List bol v týchto novinách uverejnený štyri dni pred všeobecnými voľbami 1924 a prispel k porážke MacDonalda. Konzervatívci získali 412 kresiel a zostavili budúcu vládu.

Po porážke Labouristu vo všeobecných voľbách v roku 1924 sa Philip Snowden a ďalšie popredné osobnosti hnutia pokúsili presvedčiť Hendersona, aby sa postavil proti MacDonaldovi ako vodcovi strany. Henderson odmietol a opäť sa stal hlavným bičom strany, kde sa pokúsil zjednotiť stranu za vedením MacDonalda. Henderson bol tiež hlavnou osobou zodpovednou za prácu a národ, pamflet, ktorý sa pokúsil objasniť politické ciele Labouristickej strany.

Po víťazstve vo všeobecných voľbách 1929 vymenoval Ramsay MacDonald Hendersona za ministra zahraničia. V tomto príspevku sa Henderson pokúsil znížiť politické napätie v Európe. Diplomatické styky boli obnovené so Sovietskym zväzom a Henderson poskytol Spoločnosti národov plnú podporu argumentovaním za medzinárodnú arbitráž, de-militarizáciu a kolektívnu bezpečnosť.

V roku 1931 minister financií Philip Snowden navrhol, aby labouristická vláda zaviedla nové opatrenia na vyrovnanie rozpočtu. To zahŕňalo zníženie platieb v nezamestnanosti. Niekoľko ministrov, vrátane Hendersona, Georga Lansburyho a Josepha Clynesa, odmietlo prijať zníženie dávok a odstúpilo z funkcie.

Ramsay MacDonald bol nahnevaný, že jeho vláda hlasovala proti nemu a rozhodla sa odstúpiť. Keď v tú noc videl Georga V., bol presvedčený, aby stál na čele novej koaličnej vlády, ktorá bude zahŕňať konzervatívnych a liberálnych lídrov, ako aj ministrov práce. Väčšina kabinetu práce túto myšlienku úplne odmietla a iba traja, Jimmy Thomas, Philip Snowden a John Sankey súhlasili so vstupom do novej vlády.

V októbri MacDonald vyhlásil voľby. Všeobecné voľby v roku 1931 boli katastrofou pre labouristickú stranu, ktorá získala iba 46 poslancov. Henderson prišiel o miesto v Burnley, ale po doplnkových voľbách v Clay Cross v septembri 1933 sa vrátil do Dolnej snemovne.

Nasledujúcich niekoľko rokov Henderson neúnavne pracoval na svetovom mieri. V rokoch 1932 až 1935 predsedal ženevskej konferencii o odzbrojení a v roku 1934 bola jeho práca uznaná udelením Nobelovej ceny za mier.

Arthur Henderson zomrel v Londýne 20. októbra 1935.

Podľa môjho názoru bude naša politika voči novej vláde úplne rovnaká ako voči starej vláde. Poskytneme im podporu, ak je to možné, ale v prípade potreby ich postavíme proti. Ich verní nasledovníci im nepochybne poskytnú podporu; ale máme oveľa väčšiu zodpovednosť, ktorá na nás spočíva, ako táto. Na našej strane spočíva zodpovednosť za udržanie tejto vlády na nule vlastných profesií a ďalšia zodpovednosť za formovanie ich politiky v súlade s verejnou potrebou. Naše úžasné úspechy vo volebných miestnostiach ukázali, že pracovné sily sú najväčším faktorom súčasnej politickej situácie. Mzdári sa konečne prihlásili k jednoznačnému, jednotnému a nezávislému politickému konaniu a my sa dnes ráno môžeme tešiť z volebného triumfu, ktorý možno vzhľadom na všetky okolnosti bezpečne vyhlásiť za fenomenálny. Dnes si môžeme zablahoželať, že skutočná nezávislá labouristická strana naživo s vlastným predsedom, vlastným podpredsedom a vlastnými bičmi je v britskej politike úspešným faktom.

Henderson vyzval MacDonalda, aby sa ujal predsedníctva. Je nepravdepodobné, že by to urobil z náhleho prístupu k osobnej náklonnosti, alebo dokonca z obdivu k povahe a schopnostiam MacDonalda. MacDonald považoval Hendersona za nenápaditého a panovačného a v neskorších rokoch si nikdy nebol istý svojou podporou.

Bolo nevyhnutné, aby táto veľká katastrofa (prvá svetová vojna) spôsobila v Labouristickom hnutí hlboké názorové rozdiely. Tieto rozdiely sa prejavili v parlamentnej strane práce na samom začiatku nepriateľských akcií. Je zásluhou dvoch mužov, pánov Hendersona a MacDonalda, že problém, ktorý hnutie rozdelil, ho zároveň neroztrhal a nezničil vybudovanú politickú organizáciu: ich trpezlivosť, zdravý rozum a prezieravosť slúžila na to, aby strana zostala jednotná, tolerantná voči rozdielom vo svojich radoch a odhodlaná zabrániť tomu, aby sa hovorilo alebo robilo čokoľvek, čo by znemožňovalo zmierenie vedúcich predstaviteľov opačných názorov na vojnu a spoluprácu opäť zo spoločných dôvodov, keď pominulo delírium vojny.

Ide o prvý prípad vstupu člena labouristickej strany do vlády. Ukáže sa ako celkom schopný oficiálny muž z prednej lavice, ale ťažko bude podporovať organizovanú prácu.

Mnoho mesiacov pred návštevou pána Hendersona v Rusku sa britské hnutie práce veľmi zaujímalo o demokratickú diplomaciu. Ruská revolúcia urýchlila svoj inštinkt k demokratickému urovnaniu vojny a diskutovalo sa o návrhu usporiadať medzi sebou spojenú konferenciu labouristických a socialistických strán s konečným cieľom obnovenia jednoty medzinárodnej ktoré boli zničené, keď vypukla vojna. Záležitosti dosiahli štádium, začiatkom roku 1917, v ktorom bolo rozhodnuté vydať pozvánky na takú konferenciu, keď lídri ruskej revolúcie ešte neboli v bode, kedy by prešli do druhej alebo komunistickej fázy, keď Kerenského nahradil Lenin , oznámili svoj úmysel zvolať všetky labouristické a socialistické strany na konferenciu s cieľom vytvoriť všeobecnú mierovú politiku robotníckej triedy. To bol začiatok slávnej kontroverzie „Štokholmskej konferencie“, ktorá priniesla také pozoruhodné výsledky. Medzi ortodoxnými štátnikmi zodpovednými za vedenie vojny bol veľký nesúhlas s projektom zvolania tejto medzinárodnej konferencie práce a socialistov. Začínali sa báť dynamického sebauplatnenia organizovanej práce v oblasti medzinárodnej diplomacie a obávali sa budúceho smeru revolučného hnutia v Rusku. Vojnový kabinet urobil krok a vyslal pána Hendersona na vládnu misiu do Ruska s pokynmi na prešetrenie situácie a zotrvanie tam ako veľvyslanec, ak má pocit, že si stav vecí odôvodňuje jeho prevzatie kontroly. Pán Henderson ako ten, kto bol odhodlaný rezolútne stíhať vojnu, kým nebude nemecký militarizmus rozhodne zvrhnutý, odišiel do Ruska s otvorenou mysľou ohľadom návrhu usporiadať medzinárodnú konferenciu práce a socialistov v súlade s pokynmi ruských revolučných lídrov. , ktorá nahradila obmedzenejšiu konferenciu navrhnutú spojeneckými socialistami. Nezaviazal sa. Na rozdiel od predsedu vlády Air. Lloyd George, vtedy nebol spokojný s tým, že navrhovaná konferencia bude slúžiť očakávanému účelu: išiel však do Ruska s vedomím, že pán Lloyd George v tom čase veril, že keby sa konferencia konala, bolo by nebezpečné umožniť jej zhromaždenie bez predstaviteľov francúzskeho socializmu a britskej práce.

V Rusku po podrobnom preskúmaní situácie z politického i vojenského hľadiska pán Henderson sformuloval definitívne závery, ktoré boli ako samozrejmosť oznámené vojnovému kabinetu a tiež národnému výkonnému orgánu strany práce. Jedným zo záverov bolo, že je eminentne žiaduce usporiadať navrhovanú konferenciu za účelom konzultácií o otázke cieľov demokratickej vojny, ale bez záväzných uznesení. Domov sa vrátil v rovnakom čase, keď do tejto krajiny dorazila deputácia štyroch ruských revolučných predstaviteľov; a v nasledujúcich diskusiách bolo zrejmé, že Rusi chcú, aby konferencia prijala záväzné rozhodnutia, a mala v úmysle usporiadať konferenciu s účasťou alebo bez účasti britských vedúcich predstaviteľov robotníckej triedy. Pán Henderson sprevádzal delegáciu národného výkonného predstaviteľa Labouristickej strany, ktorý odišiel do Paríža, aby prediskutoval pozvanie Ruska s lídrami francúzskeho socializmu, a na tomto zasadnutí sa dohodli na zvolaní konferencie v Štokholme v septembri toho roku. roku (1917). Aby sa splnilo rozhodnutie, pokiaľ ide o britskú prácu, bolo rozhodnuté národnou exekutívou zvolať špeciálnu stranícku konferenciu.

Na tejto konferencii, ktorá sa konala v Londýne 10. augusta 1917, pán Henderson urobil úplné vyhlásenie o záveroch, ku ktorým dospel, a o úvahách, ktoré ho ovplyvnili pri odporúčaní prijatia ruského pozvania. Trval na tom, že konferencia sa bude konať výlučne na účely konzultácií a že nebudú prijaté žiadne povinné rozhodnutia. V tom čase už bolo zrejmé, že vláda je proti konaniu Štokholmskej konferencie. Z dôvodov, ktoré sú stále nejasné, pán Lloyd George zmenil názor-a zrejme očakával, že pán Henderson zmení jeho, s rovnakým predpokladom. Medzi jeho kolegami z Labouristickej strany bola skupina, ktorá tiež očakávala, že pán Henderson zmení názor. Ale keď už je pán Henderson vyrovnaný, myseľ sa nedá ľahko zmeniť, pokiaľ ide o zásadnú otázku, a pevne sa držal svojho stanoviska, pričom na konferencii špeciálnych strán zopakoval rady, ktoré dal národnému exekutíve, že britská práca by sa mal zúčastniť štokholmskej konferencie za predpísaných podmienok. Vláda a tlač očividne očakávali, že špeciálna stranícka konferencia odmietne rady pána Hendersona. Na konferencii bolo skutočne navrhnuté uznesenie v tom zmysle, že nebol predložený žiadny prípad na usporiadanie štokholmskej konferencie: predkladá sa ako doplnok k výkonnému uzneseniu, ktoré navrhuje prijatie ruskej pozvánky za predpokladu, že konferencia by mala byť poradné a nie povinné. Kým pán Henderson nevydal svoje vyjadrenie a nevyjadril svoj názor, táto otázka je na pochybách, ale potom už nebol priestor na pochybnosti: pozmenením 1 651 000 hlasov proti 301 000 bol pozmeňovací návrh zamietnutý a výkonné uznesenie bolo prijaté ako vecný návrh drvivou väčšinou hlasov 1 846 000. až 550 000.

V dôsledku postoja, ktorý k tejto otázke zaujal, bol pán Henderson trpko napadnutý. Bol obvinený zo zavádzania straníckej konferencie tým, že z nej zatajil informácie o údajnej zmene pohľadu na štokholmský návrh ruskej revolučnej vlády. Tento poplatok nebude trvať ani chvíľu. Delegátom na mimoriadnej straníckej konferencii povedal, že od jeho návratu z Ruska došlo k zmene tamojšej situácie, pretože prvú dočasnú vládu nahradila administratíva vytvorená Kerenským. Tiež uviedol, že belgickí socialisti a americká labouristická strana sa rozhodli nezúčastniť sa na Štokholmskej konferencii; že vplyvná skupina francúzskych parlamentných socialistov bola proti projektu; a že ruskí socialisti požadovali záväznú konferenciu a nielen konzultáciu. Napriek tomu však objasnil, že sa domnieva, že Štokholmská konferencia bude slúžiť ako užitočný účel pri jasnom ukazovaní svetu - a predovšetkým nemeckému ľudu - za čo spojenecké demokracie samy vymysleli boj. Rozdiely v politike medzi ním a vojnovým kabinetom sa tak ukázali a on odstúpil z vlády.

Mnoho členov vlády, medzi ktorých som bol jedným, bola vážne znepokojená nedostatkom konštruktívnej politiky, ktorú prejavovali vedúci predstavitelia vlády. Tiež sme si boli vedomí rastúceho odcudzenia medzi MacDonaldom a zvyškom strany. Čoraz častejšie sa miešal iba s ľuďmi, ktorí nezdieľali výhľad práce. Táto opozícia však nekryštalizovala, pretože jediný muž, ktorý mohol zaujať miesto MacDonalda, Arthur Henderson, bol príliš lojálny na to, aby sa mohol vzdať akejkoľvek akcie proti svojmu vodcovi.

Namiesto toho, aby sa MacDonald a Snowden rozhodovali o politike a držali sa jej alebo ju nechali, presvedčili kabinet, aby súhlasil s vymenovaním ekonomického výboru pod predsedníctvom sira Georga Maya z Obozretnej poisťovne, pričom väčšina oponentov práce bude to. Výsledok sa dal predpokladať. Návrhy boli zamerané na zníženie sociálnych služieb a najmä podpory v nezamestnanosti. Ich riešením na hospodársku krízu, ktorej jednou z hlavných čŕt bol nadbytok komodít nad efektívnym dopytom, bolo zníženie kúpnej sily más. Väčšina vlády odmietla prijať škrty a práve v tejto záležitosti sa vláda rozišla. Namiesto rezignácie MacDonald prijal od kráľa komisiu na vytvorenie takzvanej „národnej“ vlády.

Na pokyn premiéra som dnes ráno zašiel za pánom Hendersonom na ministerstvo zahraničných vecí. Povedal som mu, že P. M. zvažuje zoznam vyznamenaní za odstúpenie; a prinútil by ho pán Henderson, aby realizoval návrhy, ktoré už boli predložené predtým, že pán Henderson by mal dostať šľachtický titul? Pán Henderson povedal, že situácia sa teraz zmenila. Pred Labouristickou stranou bol tvrdý boj, tým viac, že ​​niektorí ich niekdajší vodcovia sa od nich zatiaľ rozišli. On sám slúžil v strane viac ako 40 rokov: viac ako 20 rokov bol ich tajomníkom: bolo to kvôli strane, ktorá vo verejnom živote zastávala pozíciu, ktorú vykonávala. V taký životne dôležitý čas v bohatstve strany by potrebovala všetku pomoc, ktorú by mohla dostať: zodpovedné vedenie v rámci nej by bolo tiež potrebnejšie ako kedykoľvek predtým a jeho odchod do Snemovne lordov by mohol narušiť pomoc a vedenie, ktoré by mohol poskytnúť tým, že zostal taký, aký bol. Tiež bola preč pani Hendersonová a chcel by sa jej opýtať: ako skoro P.M. chceš odpoveď? (Povedal som, že zajtra to pôjde.) ... Vo všeobecnom rozhovore, v ktorom som povedal, že stojíme na rozchode, pán Henderson povedal, že to nesmieme brať príliš vážne. V čase vojny, keď pán MacDonald opustil Stranu, ju (Henderson) držal pohromade a bola pripravená pána MacDonalda opäť prijať. Rozlúčil sa s P.M. teraz bez ducha hnevu alebo rozhorčenia; a pokiaľ ide o seba, keď som sa lúčil, poznamenal: „Nikdy by som sa nemohol hádať s nikým, koho manželka pochádza z Newcastlu“.


Arthur Henderson ako vedúci práce

Arthur Henderson bol jediným členom priemyselných robotníckych tried, ktorý viedol britskú politickú stranu. Bol jediným odborárom, ktorý viedol Stranu práce, a tiež jedným z dvoch aktívnych kresťanov, ktorí tak urobili. Zdá sa, že v histórii prvých tridsiatich rokov Labouristickej strany má ústrednosť, ktorú nezdieľa žiadny iný muž. Ale to, čo tvorí jeho ústrednosť, je skutočný problém a jeho súčasníci i jeho kolegovia si to uvedomovali. J. R. Clynes kedysi napísal: „Pána Hendersona by som neklasifikoval ako typ, ale ako celkom odlišný od ostatných jeho kolegov.“ V tomto článku by som chcel otestovať tento úsudok, preskúmať jednak Hendersonovu „typickosť“ ako historickú postavu robotníckeho hnutia, jednak význam jeho kariéry ako vedúceho pracovníka.


Strana práce

V roku 1900 bol Henderson jedným zo 129 odborových a socialistických delegátov, ktorí schválili návrh Keira Hardieho na vytvorenie Výboru pre zastupovanie práce (LRC), a v roku 1903 bol Henderson zvolený za pokladníka LRC a bol tiež zvolený za člena Parlament (MP) pre Barnard Castle po doplňujúcich voľbách.

V roku 1906 LRC zmenila svoj názov na Stranu práce a vo všeobecných voľbách toho roku získala 29 kresiel (čo bolo pre liberálnu stranu zásadné víťazstvo).

V roku 1908, keď Hardie rezignoval na post vedúceho labouristickej strany, bol na jeho miesto zvolený Henderson a bol vodcom dva pomerne pokojné (z pohľadu labouristov) rokov, než rezignoval v roku 1910.


Ďalšie citáty o vojne

Uprednostňujeme svetové právo vo veku sebaurčenia pred svetovou vojnou v čase masového vyhladzovania.

Boh zamestnáva niekoľko prekladateľov, niektoré diela sú preložené podľa veku, niektoré podľa choroby, niektoré podľa vojny, niektoré podľa spravodlivosti.

Nepoznal som dobu, keď nebola vojna, pretože som všetok čas od dvoch alebo troch do ôsmich rokov skutočne strávil v uhoľnej pivnici.

Žijeme v dobe, v dobe, kde je toľko negativity, je vo svete toľko násilia, je tu toľko nepokojov a ľudia sú vo vojne, že som chcel propagovať slovo láska a červená znamená lásku.


Genealogické zdroje pre priezvisko HENDERSON

Najbežnejšie priezviská v USA a ich význam
Smith, Johnson, Williams, Jones, Brown. Ste jedným z miliónov Američanov, ktorí majú jedno z týchto 250 bežných priezvísk zo sčítania ľudu v roku 2000?

Spoločnosť klanu Hendersona
Medzi ciele Clan Henderson Society patrí podpora škótskej kultúry, aktivity, festivaly a hry pomáhajúce pri genealogickom výskume Henderson a propagácia histórie a kultúry klanu Henderson a Škótska.

Hendersonov projekt DNA
Tento projekt DNA priezviska Henderson, vytvorený pod záštitou Clan Henderson Societies v USA a Kanade, podporuje úsilie o dokumentáciu jednotlivých rodín Hendersona a sledovanie migrácie Hendersonovcov v priebehu času.

Hendersonovo rodinné genealogické fórum
Vyhľadajte v tomto obľúbenom genealogickom fóre priezvisko Henderson a nájdite ďalších, ktorí by mohli skúmať vašich predkov, alebo si položte vlastnú otázku o svojich predkoch Hendersonových.

FamilySearch - HENDERSON Genealogy
Na tomto bezplatnom genealogickom serveri sponzorovanom Cirkvou Ježiša Krista svätých posledných dní objavte historické záznamy a rodokmene súvisiace s rodom Hendersona a jeho variácie.

HENDERSON Priezvisko a amp. Rodinné zoznamy adries
RootsWeb hostí niekoľko bezplatných zoznamov adries pre výskumníkov priezviska Henderson.

Stránka Genealógia a rodokmeň Hendersona
Prezrite si genealogické záznamy a odkazy na genealogické a historické záznamy o osobách s priezviskom Henderson na webovej stránke Genealogy Today.

- Hľadáte význam krstného mena? Pozrite sa na významy krstného mena

- Nemôžete nájsť svoje priezvisko? Navrhnite, aby bolo do glosára významov priezviska a pôvodu pridané priezvisko.
-----------------------

Referencie: Významy priezviska a pôvod amp

Cottle, Basil. Tučniakový slovník priezvisk. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967.

Menk, Lars. Slovník nemeckých židovských priezvisk. Avotaynu, 2005.

Beider, Alexander. Slovník židovských priezvisk z Haliče. Avotaynu, 2004.

Hanks, Patrick a Flavia Hodges. Slovník priezvisk. Oxford University Press, 1989.

Hanks, Patrick. Slovník amerických rodinných mien. Oxford University Press, 2003.

Smith, Elsdon C. Americké priezviská. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997.


Arthur Henderson - história

Pete Goddard a Atul Hatwal

Ramsay Macdonald nebol šťastný.

Rozhodnutie Labouristu z januára 1917 zostať v novej koalícii Lloyda Georga bolo neprijateľné. Pre Macdonalda to nebola vláda národnej jednoty. Asquithov ústup do opozície s väčšinou liberálov znamenal, že labouristi sú teraz v spojenectve s vládou konzervatívcov, pričom Lloyd George nie je nič iné ako vodca figovníkov.

Macdonald by nikdy nedovolil, aby sa niečo také stalo labouristickej strane na hodinkách. Ale nie.

Pokiaľ ide o nich, toryovci neboli šialení ani o Ramsaya Macdonalda a jeho rôzne protivojnové skupiny. Pád ruského cára v marci 1917 vyvolal v konzervatívnych obavách, aby sa nižšie rády nedostali do čela, zatiaľ čo veľký májový priemyselný nepokoj mnohých presvedčil, že sa blíži revolúcia.

Podľa ich názoru bol Macdonald archetypálnym vodcom nespokojných más. Keltský, robotnícka trieda a dokonca ani člen golfovej palice, preboha. Je pravda, že tento posledný bod nebol úplne jeho vinou, pretože jeho miestny klub ho vylúčil kvôli jeho odporu proti vojne. Potom opäť stratu golfovej loptičky možno považovať za smolu, ale stratiť celý klub vyzerá ako nedbalosť.

Golfový klub Lossiemouth - bez socialistov, bez pacifistov, bez psov

Ďalší pocit proti Macdonaldovi podnietil Lord Milner, toryský člen vnútorného kabinetu Lloyda Georga, ktorý mal cenné skúsenosti s vojnou, pričom keď bol vysokým komisárom, pomohol ho založiť v Južnej Afrike.

Tvrdil, že má informácie o tom, že strana Nezávislá práca a Únia demokratickej kontroly (UDC) podnecujú štrajky na vyvolanie revolúcie.

A kto náhodou mal vedúcu úlohu v oboch organizáciách? Prečo to bolo také zlovestné, pán Macdonald.

Lord Milner: tvár súcitného konzervativizmu

Nezostalo to len pri tom. Lord Robert Cecil oznámil kabinetu, že Macdonaldova zjednotená rada socialistov zorganizovala júnovú konferenciu v Leedse. Cecil sebavedomo tvrdil, že to bude východiskový bod pre britskú revolúciu. Nebolo.

Edgar Algernon Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (známy ako Lord Robert Cecil) bol horlivým odporcom navrhovanej dane za mená

Ak sa však dalo veriť konzervatívcom, Ramsay Macdonald bol zjavne britským Vladimírom Iľjičom Leninom.

A keď sa o tom všetkom diskutovalo, tam pri stole kabinetu sa nepohodlne posunul na svojom mieste Arthur Henderson, vedúci práce a kolega toho istého Ramsaya Macdonalda.

Osud Ruska medzitým vrhal na britskú politiku rastúci tieň. Dokonca aj armáda sa živo zaujímala o vývoj. Konkrétne boli nervózni, že nová ruská vláda môže vzdať boj vo vojne z takých triviálnych politicky vhodných dôvodov, ako to ruský ľud chcel.

To by potenciálne uvoľnilo státisíce nemeckých vojsk z východného frontu, aby sa pripojili k svojim kamarátom na západe, kde mohli zažiť mnoho rovnakých hrôz, ale bez toho, aby museli nosiť šatku. Tieto ďalšie jednotky by pravdepodobne mali pre spojencov katastrofálne následky.

Rôzne skupiny sa znepokojene rozhodli vyslať delegácie do Ruska, aby sa presvedčili, čo sa deje pre nich, a nie sa spoliehali na extrémne pomalé tweety alebo telegramy, ako boli vtedy známe.

Naľavo Ramsay Macdonald plánoval viesť trojicu zo Spojenej socialistickej rady v polovici júna. Normally the government wouldn’t have given them passports, but Ramsay Macdonald’s opposition to Russia negotiating a separate peace with Germany (he favoured some form of international socialist love-in where class solidarity somehow ended the war) persuaded even the Tories that his trip might be of some use.

Macdonald and his colleagues packed their long johns, furry hats and copies of Marxism for Dummies and prepared to head east. Unfortunately, while the Tories had been persuaded, Havelock Wilson, the leader of the Sailors and Firemen’s union leader (later to incorporate all the Village People professions) had not.

Wilson was very, very pro-war. He was keen on total victory over the Germans, possibly because they kept torpedoing his members.

Publishers found Havelock Wilson’s contribution to their ‘Sailors and firemen’ calendar a bit disappointing

His union simply refused to take Macdonald on board, leaving him stuck in Britain – trapped by the very union men he’d been so reliant on when leading the party.

Next, the government decided to send someone to report on the situation in Russia. And who better than their resident leftie, or at least the closest thing they had, Arthur Henderson.

Although Henderson had been formally invited by the Russians in his capacity as a senior Labour politician, the cabinet were still eager for on some warm words to be whispered in the Russian ear to stop them unilaterally pulling out of the war.

Unlike Macdonald, Henderson actually made it to mother Russia. But then something strange and unexpected happened.

Instead of just dutifully giving the British line and hurrying home, Arthur Henderson looked and listened and then changed his mind.

Spending July in Russia made it clear to Henderson that the Russians weren’t in any condition to keep fighting. Britain’s hope that they might continue the war seemed impossible to the Labour leader. Another way had to be found.

Fortunately, another way presented itself, in the form of the Socialist International, which was planning a conference in Stockholm. This was intended to agree a workers’ peace that could be taken home to the socialists’ various countries and foisted on to their governments. This would obviously result in a new era of peace, harmony and rainbows and everyone could go home to a socialist utopia.

All this was very much in line with Ramsay Macdonald’s vision of an international love-in, and now offered Henderson an alternate way to end the war.

Back home on the government benches, Henderson’s shifting views were not going down well. Lloyd George sniped that Henderson seemed to have caught “revolutionary malaria,” which, much like “rockin’ pneumonia” and “Saturday night fever” had no known cure.

But nothing was going to deflect him now. This quiet and officious man had sprung to political life. Barely had he returned to Britain, than he was off again. This time to Paris, with Labour party colleagues and a couple of new chums from the Petrograd Soviet to plan the running order of the Stockholm conference.

Suspicion in the cabinet turned to anger. They could smell victory in the war (it smelt a lot like more dead soldiers) and were furiously opposed to the Stockholm conference.

On August 1, 1917 on Henderson’s return from France, he decided to pop in for a chat with the other chaps in cabinet.

He was prevented from entering the cabinet room and kept waiting outside. Inside, the rest of the cabinet discussed how outraged they were that Henderson had gone to Paris, that he wanted to go to Stockholm and that he was hanging out with that dreadful peacenik Ramsay Macdonald.

The doormat incident, as it came to be known (because he had to wait on the doormat, if you want to be charitable), left Henderson waiting for over an hour and marked a turning point for Labour, not that it was obvious at the time.

Ten days later, on August 10 1917, another special Labour conference came together. They voted 1,846,000 to 550,000 to go to Sweden, if only to find out if what they said about Swedish girls was true.

Unaware of the doormat incident, they had no idea they were effectively voting on Henderson’s future in cabinet, and Labour’s in government.

Because it meant he would be directly opposing the wishes of cabinet, the vote meant Henderson resigned on 11 th August 1917 – if treating him like a travelling brush salesman at the door hadn’t made him want to already.

On the face of it, little changed as a result. George Barnes had been covering for Henderson in his absence and was now elevated to take his place on a permanent basis.

But in reality, everything was different.

Labour’s most high profile pro-war leader had switched camps. The political centre of the party had shifted and Ramsay Macdonald’s anti-war group were no longer an isolated faction headed out of the Labour party.

Although unacknowledged at the time, this was a turning point for Labour in the war. By alienating Henderson and effectively driving him out of the government over Stockholm, Lloyd George and the cabinet had accidentally re-united the Labour party.

In the end, the government refused the party delegates passports to attend the Stockholm conference anyway.


Arthur Henderson

The Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution has received word of the death of retiree Arthur Henderson on May 15 at Royal Megansett Nursing Home in Falmouth. He was 94.

Arthur was born on March 27 in Boston. He attended Dartmouth College, class of 1942, before joining the United States Army in 1942. He served as an Army major during World War II, including three years in the Pacific Campaign, before returning home in 1945 from Okinawa.

Arthur lived in Newton and Needham before moving to Falmouth in 1960 when he began his career at WHOI as procurement manager. He retired in 1985.

In addition to serving as a Town Meeting member and a member of the town’s personnel committee, Arthur was one of the founders of Falmouth Youth Hockey, for which he also served as a coach, fundraiser, program director, equipment manager, and on its board of governors.

He was a commodore of the Sandwich Yacht Club and a member of the Falmouth Rod & Gun Club, the National Purchasing Managers Association, and Saint Barnabas Episcopal Church in Falmouth.

Arthur leaves two daughters, Carol Amaral and her husband, Ted Amaral, of North Falmouth, and Pam Pagliaro and her husband, Mike Pagliaro, of Haverhill his son, Arthur T. Henderson Jr. and his wife, Lynda Henderson, of Falmouth six grandchildren, Maraya Henderson of Haverhill, Tazeena Amaral of Los Angeles, California, Jessica Miller of Haverhill, Jenna and Katelyn Henderson of Falmouth, and Shannon Henderson of Providence, Rhode Island and three great-grandchildren, Taylor Henderson, and Gabriella and Logan Miller.

He was predeceased by his wife, Patricia (Taylor) Henderson, who died in 2010.

A private burial was held on Wednesday, May 21.

In lieu of flowers, donations in Mr. Henderson’s memory may be made to Falmouth Youth Hockey, c/o Falmouth Ice Area, 9 Technology Park Dr., East Falmouth, MA 02536.

Some of the information for this obituary was taken from the Falmouth Enterprise.


Arthur Henderson - History

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

After the initial shock of Ramsay Macdonald’s government leaving the gold standard wore off, a tide of anger started to rise across the Labour party.

Just a few weeks earlier, amid cataclysmic warnings from the economists, the Labour government had torn itself apart in its efforts to pass the severe cuts demanded by the markets. All this to prevent Britain coming off the gold standard.

Now the replacement national government had passed the cuts and then come off gold anyway. And the economic sky hadn’t fallen in.

The economists coughed and looked at their shoes. The only sound was Keynes’ gently banging his head against his desk, muttering, ‘I bloody told them’.

‘Was that it?’ wondered the people of Labour, ‘Was that what we sacrificed our government for?’

First on the list, oddly, was new Labour leader Arthur Henderson.

Arthur Henderson models the 1931 beachwear collection

Jeho zločin? He had spoken in a conciliatory way in parliament in the debate on whether to come off the gold standard. And he supported the government’s eminently sensible decision. The fool.

Labour history uncut: “They didn’t tell us we could do that”

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

“We are like marooned sailors on a dreary island”

Not a Morrissey lyric, but the upbeat analysis of Ramsay Macdonald, leader of the new national government, as he pondered the position of the small group of Labour ministers who had stood with him.

They had reason to feel lonely. Macdonald was still prime minister, but when Parliament returned, his government benches would be dominated by Tories and Liberals. Across the floor of the house, former Labour friends and colleagues would glare at him in angry opposition.

Meanwhile, over at Transport House, headquarters of the Labour party, the Transport Union (T&G) and the TUC, the mood was punchy. Ernest Bevin of the T&G declared, “this is like the general strike, I’m prepared to put everything in.” Although if it was like the general strike, he’d then take everything out again after a week and experience total defeat.

On the 27 th August, two days after the fall of the Labour government, the party issued a manifesto. Something that clarified Labour’s position on the big issues.

It said, “We oppose the cuts.”

It then said, “Yes, the same cuts we were actually proposing two weeks ago. Čo? Čo? Shut up.”

Montagu Norman, governor of the Bank Of England – never trust a man whose names are the wrong way round

On the 28 th , the parliamentary party was due to meet to ratify the manifesto and elect a new leader.

As a meeting of the PLP, invites went to all Labour MPs. In a moment of supreme administrative awkwardness, this included Macdonald and the rest of the splitters

Labour history uncut: the moment Labour replaced the Liberals

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

Labour’s new constitution had radically reformed the party. Re-founded it, even. The party entered spring 1918 busily setting up new constituency organisations and selecting candidates.

The war may have still been going, but Britain had been more than 7 years without an election and millions of new voters had just been empowered by the recent extension of the franchise. As a result, all the parties were like a householder waiting for the builder – they knew a poll was on the way.

By April Labour had selected 115 candidates with 131 selections pending. At the start of the month there was a slight hitch when it appeared candidates might soon require a good grasp of German – the allies were forced back 60 miles in German spring offensive. But by May the tide had been turned back and everyone could pack away their Rosetta Stone CDs.

For the first time since the start of the war, thoughts across the parties began to turn to what might happen after victory.

To that end, in June 1919, Sidney Webb released his policy document “Labour and the New Social Order”. Although it didn’t exactly trouble the bestseller lists and the planned sequel, “Labour and the Chamber Of Secrets” was put on hold, it did set out a policy platform which would become the core of Labour manifestos for most of the next century.

This included Labour staples such as comprehensive free education, the establishment of separate legislatures for Scotland and Wales, generous provision of health services, nationalisation of mines, railways and electrical power, a commitment to full employment and a living wage, a major housebuilding programme and regular conflicts between the leadership and the left.

Sidney Webb teaches his newly-enfranchised wife how to vote

This was an important document for the party, but as the end of the war approached, Labour faced a decision even more important than the platform. They had to decide whether to fight the election as part of the coalition or to stand in opposition?

Labour history uncut: Labour’s first clause four moment

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

September 1917 was a new beginning for the Labour party. A month earlier, Arthur Henderson had experienced an unceremonious ejection from the wartime cabinet.

Free from having to toe the government line and support the latest innovations in war strategy aka new and efficient ways to squander human life (the battle of Passchendale was days away), Henderson was able to devote his time to the Labour party.

It provided an opportunity to bridge the gulf at the heart of the party which had pitted Arthur Henderson, master of the party machine and supporter of the war, against Ramsay Macdonald’s anti-war alliance of radicals and socialists.

Henderson and Macdonald make their way to the 1917 Tin Tin convention

Henderson was determined to make changes. In September 1917, he set up two sub-committees of the NEC. One was tasked with developing Labour’s alternative approach to ending the war and the other was established to reorganise the Labour party so that it was fit to fight the next election.

Yes, even in 1917 the modernisers were at work, creating the new Labour. Or Old New Labour. Or New Old Labour. Alebo niečo.

Both sub-committees included seats for the perennial favourites including Arthur Henderson, Ramsay Macdonald and the Fabians’ Beatrice and Sidney Webb. So basically it was just the same people, but every now and then they’d change the sign on the door. (more&hellip)

Labour history uncut: How Uncle Arthur’s trip to Russia saved the Labour party

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

Ramsay Macdonald was not happy.

Labour’s decision in January 1917 to remain in Lloyd George’s new coalition was unacceptable. For Macdonald, this was no government of national unity. Asquith’s retreat into opposition with the majority of the Liberals, meant Labour was now in alliance with a Tory government, with Lloyd George nothing more than a figleaf leader.

Macdonald would have never allowed something like that to happen to the Labour party on his watch. Ale nie.

For their part, the Tories weren’t mad keen on Ramsay Macdonald and his various anti-war groups either. The fall of the Russian Tsar in March 1917 had stoked Tory fears of the lower orders getting uppity, while a major bout of industrial unrest in May convinced many that a revolution was coming.

In their view, Macdonald was the archetypal leader of the malcontented masses. Celtic, working class, and not even a member of a golf club, for goodness sake. Admittedly, this last point wasn’t entirely his fault, since his local club had expelled him on account of of his opposition to the war. Then again, to lose a golf ball might be considered unlucky, but to lose a whole club looks like carelessness.

Lossiemouth Golf Club – no socialists, no pacifists, no dogs

Further anti-Macdonald feeling was stirred by Lord Milner, a Tory member of Lloyd George’s inner cabinet who had valuable experience of war, having helped start one in South Africa while he was high commissioner.

Labour history uncut: Labour gets conscripted

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

“Conscription? Why would we need that? Who wouldn’t volunteer for a free trip to Europe and the chance to shoot foreigners?”

This was the comforting assurance given to Labour leaders, by prime minister Asquith as they trooped into the coalition government in May 1915. Surely a Liberal leader wouldn’t make a pledge and then do the absolute, exact opposite?

To be fair to Asquith, whatever he personally believed was largely irrelevant. Losses were outstripping recruitment at a staggering rate thanks to the British army’s patented “run through that withering hail of bullets and bombs would you old chap?” technique for conducting modern warfare.

At the start of the war, Britain was the only major European power to not have conscription in place. Having to compel your army to maintain an empire seemed a trifle arriviste, un-British and, frankly, the sort of thing the French would do.

Then again, as the war dragged on, it was clear more men were needed, and losing a major European war was definitely un-British too, and most certainly the sort of thing the French would do.

In the press, calls for conscription were growing in volume, with the Časy leading the charge condemning Britain’s “great army of shirkers,” identifying, even then, the mortal threat to national well-being from a fifth column of skivers undermining the strivers.

At the end of September 1915, worries across the Labour movement that conscription might become reality prompted the party’s national executive committee (NEC) to summon a special meeting. Labour Parliamentarians and union officials were addressed by prime minister Asquith along with Lord Kitchener, the chief of staff and, quite literally the poster boy for World War One.

Lord Kitchener models Edwardian smart casual

Labour history uncut: Labour gets its first taste of government

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

It was the start of 1915 and something wasn’t quite right. Contrary to the confident predictions of the press, the government and most of the Labour party, Fritz had not been sent packing and the government began to regret printing quite so many invitations to “1915’s big victory conga through no man’s land”.

In fact, to the uninformed bystander everything seemed to have ground to a halt in a bloody stalemate of trench-based slaughter.
Fortunately, the British public were very well informed by a national press that was still insisting victory was just around the corner.

For example, when the British attacked Neuve Chapelle at the start of March the Denný expres headline boomed “German’s routed…great victory at Neuve Chapelle”.

Which was sort of true, if your idea of victory was the loss of 13,000 men to gain two pocketfuls of French gravel. The offensive advanced 2km and then was abandoned due to the catastrophic losses.

Who could resist this upbeat plea to join the fun at Neuve-Chapelle?

With successes like these, it was no wonder the worry-o-meter in government was swinging towards the red. No-one had planned for war that devoured resources at such a rate. Not only were more troops needed, demand for munitions was outstripping production.

Labour history uncut: Labour stands divided, but at least it’s still standing

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

When war was declared on 4 August 1914, the Labour party found itself divided into three broad groups: subscribers to Guns & Ammo, reluctant but resigned pragmatic supporters of the war, and outright opponents of the war (or “big pansies” as they were known to members of the first group).

Do you really need us to add the joke here? Dobre.

Fortunately, even though the party was only 14 years old, Labour knew its onions when it came to handling divisions. Although there had been one rather prominent resignation in the shape of Ramsay Macdonald’s August departure, this did not prove to be the start of a mass walkout.

War dissenters in general were tolerated and allowed to remain in the party, even retaining positions in any committees and NEC membership held.

In fact, even though Arthur Henderson had picked up the reins of leadership, he only took over the chairmanship of the PLP on a supposedly temporary basis. In the following months he regularly asked Macdonald to change his mind and come back, making him a mixtape of the special songs from their time together.

Macdonald and Henderson became the Gold Blend couple of the Labour party. “Will they or won’t they” was the number one topic of PLP tea room conversation. Finally, on 18 th November 1914, Macdonald ended the suspense. He declared “It’s not you, it’s me. No, actually it is you,” and then asked for all his CDs back.

One tub of mint choc chip later, the Labour party decided it was time to move on and confirmed Henderson as Labour’s leader.

Labour history uncut: It’s war!

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

By 1914, Labour’s internal politics were in a well-worn rut. The routine was familiar: socialists complained about the party’s moderation, moderates complained that the socialists were making the party unelectable and strikers up and down the nation didn’t care what either of them had to say, they had a nationwide wave of industrial unrest to organise.

Then, in summer 1914, Germany’s Kaiser did his holiday planning. France looked nice, but he didn’t want to go abroad. So what better solution than to make France časť of Germany? He was a problem solver, that Kaiser.

Kaiser’s top tip – recycle those leftover Christmas baubles into a stylish and practical outfit

So he gathered a few hundred thousand of his closest friends and began stockpiling sun cream, beach towels and heavy artillery.

On 29th July, alarmed by the accumulation of passports and spiky hats in Germany, Keir Hardie represented British labour at a meeting of the International Socialist Bureau (contrary to the title, not a dispensary for people looking to hire or purchase a continental socialist). They “resolved unanimously that it shall be the duty of the workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but to further intensify their demonstrations against the war, for peace, and for the settlement of the Austro-Serbian conflict by international arbitration…”

The problem was that, for many working class Brits, workers sticking up for workers was all very well, but these guys were foreigners, so surely they didn’t count. There was much enthusiasm for nipping over to Germany to stick it to the sausage munchers.

Labour history uncut: bye bye uncle Arthur

by Pete Goddard and Atul Hatwal

“Is the parliamentary Labour party a failure?”

This was the upbeat title of a 1908 pamphlet from Ben Tillett. Presumably feeling he’d run out of capitalists to agitate against, he had turned his talents to stirring things up in his own party.

As well as being possibly the first #QTWTAIN in Labour’s political history, it was a cunning title on Tillett’s part. He had only to change the date on the front and he could re-publish it and still find an audience every year from then until, approximately, today.

Tillett’s central moan was that Labour was not doing enough to combat unemployment on account of the fact that its leaders were just re-purposed Liberals.

This was an outrageous accusation. Just because the majority of Labour’s MPs were either former Liberals or ex-union officials with strong Lib Lab sympathies, and just because Arthur Henderson, the new leader of the Labour party was a former Liberal agent and just because the party had actually agreed not to contest elections where a Liberal was standing and… ok, he had a point.

The Arthur Henderson paint-by-numbers kit proved surprisingly popular

There was quite a lot of common ground with the Liberals, but Labour inaction on unemployment was not policy – the truth was that party just didn’t have the votes in parliament to enforce its will.

They had tried. Labour had introduced the “right to work” bill in 1907 establishing every man’s right to employment. If work was not available the bill proposed that it was the responsibility of society to maintain the unemployed.


8th October – Deaths & Events in Northern Ireland Troubles

The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) proposed that a system of Proportional Representation (PR) should be used in elections in Northern Ireland. [PR was introduced on 30 May 1973 for local government elections.]

Thursday 7 October 1971

Brian Faulkner, then Northern Ireland Prime Minister, met with Edward Heath, then British Prime Minister, and the British Cabinet. The meeting was held in London. An additional 1,500 British Army troops were sent to Northern Ireland.

Monday 8 October 1973

A group of Ulster Unionists who were opposed to sharing power with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) called for the resignation of Brian Faulkner, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP).

Saturday 8 October 1977

Margaret Hearst (24), a member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), was shot dead, while she was off duty, by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) at her parent’s home near Tynan, County Armagh.

Sunday 8 October 1978

A number of groups in Derry, including Sinn Féin (SF), held a march to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the 5 October 1968 civil rights march. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) staged a counter demonstration attended by Loyalists and led by Ian Paisley. Trouble developed and 67 Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers were injured in clashes with Loyalists. Two RUC officers were also injured in confrontations with Republicans

Thursday 8 October 1981

Lawrence Kennedy, an Independent councillor on Belfast Council, was shot dead by Loyalist paramilitaries as he stood in the entrance to Shamrock Social Club, Ardoyne, Belfast.

Tuesday 8 October 1985

The Northern Ireland Court of Appeal overturned a conviction for murder against Dominic McGlinchey, formerly leader of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). [McGlinchey was later extradited back to the Republic of Ireland.]

Sunday 8 October 1989

UDR Members Arrested Twenty-eight members of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) were arrested by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) as part of the Stevens inquiry into the leaking of security force documents to Loyalist paramilitary groups.

Tuesday 8 October 1991

The Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), set fire to a Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) hall in Kircubbin, County Down. Later in the day the UFF in a statement said that in future members of the GAA would be considered ‘legitimate targets’. [The threat was condemned by Protestant church leaders and Unionist politicians. The next day the UFF issued another statement which said that it would only attack those GAA members with strong Republican links.]

Friday 8 October 1993

John Major, then British Prime Minister, delivered a speech to the Conservative Party conference in Blackpool, England. Major stated that the only message he wanted from the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was one indicating that the organisation was finished with its campaign of violence for good. Robin Eames (Dr), then Church of Ireland Primate, condemned the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) threat to the Catholic community. [Ten Catholic civilians had been killed since 8 August 1993 by the UFF and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).]

Tuesday 8 October 1996

In a vyhlásenie issued from Dublin the Irish Republican Army (IRA) admitted responsibility for the bombs in Lisburn, County Antrim, on 7 October 1996.

Wednesday 8 October 1997

David Trimble, then leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), met Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, at Chequers in England. The Apprentice Boys of Derry (ABD) suspended a Loyalist band, the Cloughfern Young Conquerors’ Band, from taking part in further ABD marches. The disciplinary action followed disturbances caused by the band at a parade in Derry on 9 August 1997. David Andrews, then a Fianna Fáil (FF) Teachta Dála (TD member of Irish Parliament), was appointed as the new Irish Foreign Minister. The United States of America (USA) State Department decided to drop the Irish Republican Army (IRA) from its list of ‘terrorist’ organisations. One affect of this decision was to allow funds to be raised on behalf of the IRA. Unionists were critical of the decision.

Friday 8 October 1999

The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) published a dokument entitled ‘Implementing the Agreement’ which discussed the extent to which the Belfast Agreement had been implemented and the extent to which the different parties recognised their obligations and complied with the requirements of the Agreement. David Trimble, then leader of the UUP, issued a vyhlásenie on ‘the best way forward’. Bill Clinton, the President of the USA, gave a speech in Ottawa, Canada, during which he said:

“I spent an enormous amount of time trying to help the people in the land of my forebears in Northern Ireland get over 600 years of religious fights, and every time they make an agreement to do it, they’re like a couple of drunks walking out of the bar for the last time. When they get to the swinging door, they turn around and go back in and say, ‘I just can’t quite get there.’”

Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), criticised the remarks. Later Clinton apologised for the use of an inappropriate metaphor.

Monday 8 October 2001

The Northern Ireland Assembly debated an Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) motion, and later a similar Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) motion, to exclude Sinn Féin (SF) ministers from the Executive. The motions were supported by Unionist members of the Assembly but were not supported by SF or the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). Due to a lack of cross-community support the two motions failed.

[Following the debates the UUP announced that its three ministers were withdrawing from the Executive. The UUP also said that the three ministers would formally resign early next week (perhaps Monday 15 October 2001). John Reid, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, would have seven days in which to decide what action to take. He could decide to call for a review of the Good Friday Agreement which would involve an indefinite suspension of the power-sharing government. Alternatively, and less likely, he could opt for fresh Assembly elections.]

Johnny Adair announced that he would not be continuing with a judicial review (at the High Court in Belfast) of the decision to keep him in prison. Adair, then a leader of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) a cover name (pseudonym) used by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), was originally released on licence in 1999 but was re-arrested and returned to prison by the order of Peter Mandelson, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 22 August 2000.

Remembering all innocent victims of the Troubles

Today is the anniversary of the death of the following people killed as a results of the conflict in Northern Ireland

“To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.”
Thomas Campbell

To the innocent on the list – Your memory will live forever

There are many things worth living for, a few things worth dying for, but nothing worth killing for.

11 People lost their lives on the 8th October between 1974 – 1989

8th October 1974


Arthur Henderson, (31)

Protestant
Postavenie: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb in abandoned car, West Street, Stewartstown, County Tyrone.

8th October 1975


Richard McCann, (32)

Catholic
Postavenie: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Died six weeks after being shot at Grove Filling Station, Shore Road, Skegoneill, Belfast.

8th October 1976


Arthur McKay, (43)

Protestant
Postavenie: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Killed by booby trap bomb in abandoned van while on Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) patrol, Gortmacrane, near Kilrea, County Derry.

8th October 1976


Robert Hamilton, (25)

Protestant
Postavenie: Prison Officer (PO),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot outside his home, Governor Road, Derry.

8th October 1977


Margaret Hearst, (24)

Protestant
Postavenie: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Shot in her mobile home, situated in the garden of her parents’ home, Doogary, Tynan, County Armagh.

8th October 1979
Mark McGrann, (24)

Catholic
Postavenie: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)
Shot while walking along East Bridge Street, at the junction with Laganbank Road, Belfast.

8th October 1979
Paul Wright, (21) nfNI
Postavenie: British Army (BA),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Undercover British Army (BA) member. Shot while driving civilian type car along Falls Road, Belfast.

8th October 1981


Larry Kennedy, (35)

Catholic
Postavenie: Civilian Political Activist (CivPA),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Independent Councillor. Shot while standing in entrance foyer at Shamrock Social Club, Ardoyne, Belfast.

08 October 1982


Eamon Quinn, (20)

Catholic
Postavenie: Civilian (Civ),

Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)
Found shot at his flat, Damascus Street, Belfast.

8th October 1984
Melvin Simpson, (40)

Protestant
Postavenie: ex-Ulster Defence Regiment (xUDR),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Shot at his workplace, building site, Ann Street, Dungannon, County Tyrone.

8th October 1989


Alwyn Harris, (51)

Protestant
Postavenie: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC),

Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)
Off duty. Killed by booby trap bomb attached to his car outside his home, Dalboyne Gardens, Lisburn, County Antrim.

This is simply the story of a boy trying to grow up, survive, thrive, have fun & discover himself against a backdrop of events that might best be described as ‘explosive’, captivating & shocking the world for thirty long years.


Zbierky

The TBPL collection includes 3,500+ photographs, some dating back to the mid-1800s. Photographs are available for use at the Brodie Resource Library or online through the Gateway to Northwestern Ontario History. Copyright restrictions may apply.

The TBPL collection also includes newspapers on microfilm from 1875 to the present (Fort William and Port Arthur) along with Henderson City Directories (1884-2004), City Phonebooks, the Fort William Newspaper Index (1933-1970), and newspaper clippings and local pamphlet material from the late 1950s to 1989. Full text of these materials can be used at the Brodie Resource Library. Some newspaper indexes are also available online through the Gateway to Northwestern Ontario History.

The Gateway to Northwestern Ontario History is a virtual gallery of historic photographs, books, drawings and artifacts from the libraries and museums of Northwestern Ontario. The collection is managed by the Thunder Bay Public Library and hosted by OurDigitalWorld. It provides access (full text and/or index records) to the historical digital collections of libraries, archives, museums, historical societies, government agencies, and private collections from across Thunder Bay, Ontario, and Canada. Copyright restrictions may apply. Questions or comments about the database as part of the Thunder Bay Public Library's online collection will be addressed on an individual basis in accordance with TBPL Policies.

World War One Thunder Bay Centennial Project

The effects of World War One could be felt every day in Fort William and Port Arthur communities between 1914 and 1918. The local newspapers printed Victory Loan advertisements, editorial reports, and stories on an almost daily basis. While the impact of World War One is felt differently today, it is no less significant than it was 100 years ago. Over the next four years, the World War One - Thunder Bay Centennial will commemorate this time in history through stories, displays, exhibits, and more.

Indexes & Directories

These indexes cover notices for births, marriages, and deaths as published by the Thunder Bay Sentinel, Fort William Daily Times Journal, Port Arthur News-Chronicle, or the Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal.Full text articles can be viewed on microfilm at the Brodie Resource Library.

These indexes cover notices for birth, marriage, news, retirements, anniversaries, divorce, military records and more as published in the Port Arthur Daily News, Port Arthur News-Chronicle or the Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal. Full text articles can be viewed on microfilm at the Brodie Resource Library.

  • Fort William Daily Times Journal:
  • Port Arthur Daily News / News-Chronicle: (Also included: war references from Aug-Dec 1914)
  • Thunder Bay Chronicle Journal:

Sponsorship of many of the above indexes and collections is generously provided by:

Map Collection

Ontario Genealogical Society Collection

The Thunder Bay branch of the Ontario Genealogical Society houses their library of resources at the Brodie Resource Library for the benefit of genealogy enthusiasts. The OGS Collection is detailed in this Holdings Report and includes:

  • Key to the Ancient Parish Registers of England and Wales (016.9293 BUR)
  • Checklist of Parish Registers 1986: Government of Canada (Brodie Resource Library - Reference Services)
  • Inventory of Cemeteries in Ontario (OGS collection)
  • Ontario, Canada, Catholic Church Records (Drouin Collection), 1747-1967 (Ancestry Library Edition)
  • Ontario Marriage Notices (929.3713 WIL)
  • County Marriage Registers of Ontario (OGS collection)
  • Marriage Notices of Ontario (OGS collection)
  • Marriage Bonds of Ontario: 1803-1834 (929.3717 WIL)
  • Death Notices of Ontario (929.3717 REI)
  • Northwestern Ontario Burial Index (OGS collection)
  • City of Thunder Bay Burial Index (OGS collection)
  • Birth, Marriage and Death Notices extracted from the Fort William Daily Times Journal: January 1, 1900 - December 31, 1912 (929.371312 BIR)
  • Stanley Hill Cemetery 1901-2001: an illustrated history (929.50971312 NIC)
  • Obituary Index (Brodie Resource Library - Reference Services)
  • OGS Census Files (OGS collection)
  • Census Records for the Counties of Canada West for the Years 1851-1861 (OGS collection)

Find what you're looking for

We acknowledge that the City of Thunder Bay has been built on the traditional territory of Fort William First Nation, signatory to the Robinson Superior Treaty of 1850. We also recognize the contributions made to our community by the Métis people.


Pozri si video: Arthur HD Compilation - 2 Hours of Arthur in HD! (Júl 2022).


Komentáre:

  1. Pfeostun

    Thank you so much for your help in this matter, now I will not make such a mistake.

  2. Torrie

    rýchla odpoveď, charakteristika mysle :)

  3. Travers

    Zdá sa mi to ako veľmi dobrý nápad. Úplne s tebou súhlasím.

  4. Nerian

    People, let's respect each other ... I think that the writer is right, well, it could have been softer. P. S. I congratulate you on the last Christmas!



Napíšte správu